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  • ‘Go Home On Time Day’ 2018: Australians Owed $106 Billion in Unpaid Overtime, Report Reveals

    ‘Go Home On Time Day’ 2018: Australians Owed $106 Billion in Unpaid Overtime, Report Reveals

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    The 10th annual ‘Go Home On Time Day’ report by The Australia Institute’s Centre for Future Work estimates that Australian employees will work 3.2 billion hours of unpaid overtime for their employers this year, worth an estimated $106 billion in foregone wages.

    A national survey undertaken as part of the report has shown that the average Australian worker now puts in six hours of unpaid overtime per week, which equates to working an extra two months for free every year. That’s an increase from 5.1 hours on average in last year’s survey.

    “Australians are working more unpaid overtime than ever before, and they’re paying a high price for it,” said Troy Henderson, Economist at the Centre for Future Work.

    “Time theft takes many forms, including employees staying late, coming in early, working through their lunch or other breaks, taking work home on evenings and weekends or being contacted to perform work out of hours.

    “Most Australians wouldn’t dream of working for two months without pay. But it’s spread out over the whole year, and has become part of the implicit expectations of too many jobs. ‘Time theft’ has thus become endemic across the whole labour market.

    “Today we ask that all Australians go home on time and try to limit the unpaid overtime they work. And stopping time theft is ultimately the responsibility of employers and government, too, not just individual workers: employers must value and respect the leisure time of workers, and recognise that work cannot take over our entire lives.”

    The survey indicated that even part-time and casual workers – most of whom want more paid hours of work each week – are being asked to work unpaid overtime (averaging over 4 hours per week for part-timers and almost 3 hours per week for casuals). “Given the problem of underemployment and precarious work in today’s labour market, it is especially unfair that part-time and casual workers are being pressured to work for free,” Mr. Henderson added.

    This year’s Go Home on Time Day survey also included a special questionnaire on the use of digital surveillance and monitoring in Australian workplaces. 70% of respondents said their employers use at least one form of digital surveillance or monitoring, including cameras, GPS tracking, monitoring internet or social media activity or counting keystrokes, to monitor employees – and sometimes to discipline or even dismiss them.

    “Technology can have a strong positive effect in the workplace, but our research shows it is also being used in ways that increase pressure on employees and reduce the level of trust in workplaces,” Mr. Henderson said.

    “It’s clear from our research that millions of Australians are losing out to time theft. Both underemployed workers, and those who work too much, are giving up their precious time for free. All Australian workers have the right to go home on time.”


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  • Go Home on Time Day 2018

    Go Home on Time Day 2018

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    Wednesday 21 November is Australia’s official “Go Home On Time Day,” sponsored by the Centre for Future Work and the Australia Institute. This represents the 10th year of our initiative, to provide light-hearted encouragement to Australian workers to actually leave their jobs when they are supposed to. Instead of working late once again – and allowing your employer to “steal” even more of your time, without even paying for it – why not leave the job promptly. Spend a full evening with your family or friends, visit the gym, see a movie – do anything other than work.

    Please visit our special Go Home On Time Day website for more information, tips on how to get away from work on time, and free posters and shareables. There’s also an online calculator where you can estimate the value of the time theft you experience, through unpaid overtime in all its forms.

    In conjunction with Go Home On Time Day, The Centre for Future Work is releasing two new research reports on the time pressures facing Australian workers:

    Our annual update on attitudes toward working hours, the incidence of unpaid overtime and its aggregate value: Excessive Hours and Unpaid Overtime: 2018 Update, by Troy Henderson and Tom Swann. On the basis of a survey of 880 employed Australians, we estimate that the typical worker puts in 6.0 hours of unpaid overtime per week – ranging from going in early, staying late, working through lunch and tea breaks, taking work home in the evenings and weekends, responding to calls or emails out of hours, and more. That amounts to 3.25 billion hours of unpaid overtime across the whole labour market this year, worth a total of $106 billion.

    This year, our Go Home On Time Day survey also included a special section focusing on the forms, prevalence, impacts and implications of electronic and digital monitoring and surveillance in Australian workplaces. Our goal was to investigate a secondary dimension of the time pressure facing Australian workers. It is not just that work is being extended into greater portions of our days (through unpaid overtime, the use of mobile phones and computers to reach workers at any time, pressure to not fully utilise annual leave, and similar trends). In addition, even within the work day, time pressure is intensified with the expectation that every moment of work time must be used for productive purposes – an expectation that is increasingly reinforced through omnipresent systems of monitoring, performance measurement, and surveillance. The result of these twin forces is an overall inability for people to escape from the demands of work: neither at the workplace (even for short periods), nor away from it.

    Please see our companion report, Under the Employer’s Eye: Electronic Monitoring & Surveillance in Australian Workplaces, by Troy Henderson, Tom Swann and Jim Stanford.


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  • Secret Weapon Overlooked in Fight Against Financial Misconduct

    Secret Weapon Overlooked in Fight Against Financial Misconduct

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    A potent tool for cleaning up misconduct in the industry is being overlooked by the Royal Commission into financial services.

    The Centre for Future Work has proposed to the Commission that a system of sector-wide collective bargaining in the financial industry could establish clear and ethical benchmarks for compensation, avoiding the problem of ‘conflicted remuneration’, which is behind much of the misconduct the Royal Commission has exposed.

    The Centre for Future Work’s submission to the Royal Commission proposes a uniform compensation system, to apply across the whole industry, consistent with the principles of ethical banking:

    • Uniform compensation can be achieved via a sector-wide collective bargaining system, in which employer and union representatives negotiate standard compensation patterns to apply to all participants across the industry.
    • Compensation in each job to be tied to qualifications and experience; separate pay grids could be specified in various branches of finance (including major banks, insurance, superannuation, and financial advice).
    • Clear and enforceable limits on sales- or revenue-based incentives would be specified – eliminating what the Royal Commission has confirmed is a key motivation for misconduct.
    • Instead of depending solely on government regulators to stop misconduct, enforcement of compensation standards would become part of the regular administration of the collective agreement.

    “At present, flawed pay systems create perverse incentives for banks and brokers to push debt, insurance, and financial services to Australians,” says Dr. Jim Stanford, Director of the Centre for Future Work.

    “Financial professionals can reap tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars in commissions, bonuses and so-called ‘introducing’ fees; top executives pocket millions.

    “It is inevitable that these incentives lead sales staff and executives to sidestep or ignore basic rules and standards such as ‘know your client’ rules, fee transparency and responsible lending.

    “Consumers, many of them vulnerable, end up with expensive commitments they don’t need or – in many cases – even understand.

    “Under a sectoral agreement, hundreds of managers, union officials and delegates throughout the financial industry would be responsible for enforcing the ethical pay practices spelled out in the agreement.

    “Unfortunately, Australia’s current restrictive industrial relations laws generally prohibit collective bargaining on a multi-firm or sector-wide basis.

    “These restrictions are unusual. Most industrial countries permit, and even encourage, multi-firm, pattern, or industry-wide bargaining as an efficient way to determine consistent benchmarks for pay and conditions, and ensure that ongoing economic and productivity growth translates into rising living standards.”

    The Centre’s submission argues these restrictions on sector-wide bargaining should be reconsidered in light of the pervasive pattern of financial misconduct – and the key role of perverse compensation systems in motivating that misconduct.

    “Sectoral collective bargaining could help reform compensation and reduce financial misconduct on a uniform, industry-wide basis,” Stanford said.

    “The Royal Commission should explore standardised sector-wide collective agreements as a promising response to the problems it has documented, and the Commonwealth Government should eliminate its unusual restrictions on collective bargaining to allow this important reform.”


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  • A Secret Weapon in the Fight Against Financial Misconduct

    A Secret Weapon in the Fight Against Financial Misconduct

    Sectoral Collective Bargaining
    by Jim Stanford

    The Royal Commission into the financial services industry has heard tens of thousands of incidents of financial misconduct. The problem is clearly not just a “few bad apples”; the problem is clearly rooted in the core structure and practice of this industry.

    However, when it comes to fixing this mess, the Commission’s recent interim report provided no clear answers. Consumer education, self-regulation by banks, and even stronger enforcement efforts by government regulators all have their drawbacks. But there’s another solution that Commissioner Kenneth Hayne has so far overlooked: sector-wide collective bargaining to establish uniform, ethical pay practices across the financial industry.

    At present, flawed pay systems create perverse incentives for banks and brokers to push debt, insurance, and financial services to Australians. Financial professionals can reap tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars in commissions, bonuses and “introducing” fees; top executives pocket millions. Inevitably these incentives lead them to sidestep or ignore basic rules and standards: like knowing your client, transparency and responsible lending. Consumers, many of them vulnerable, end up with expensive commitments they didn’t need or (in many cases) even understood.

    To solve this problem, the financial industry should implement a uniform compensation system, consistent with principles of ethical banking, right across the whole industry. Professionals can be paid consistently (including bonuses for personal or group performance, where appropriate), while protecting the best interests of financial consumers. And a reliable and independent system of enforcement, embedded within financial firms, can ensure the rules are being followed.

    These goals could be achieved through a sector-wide collective bargaining system, in which employer and union reps negotiate standard compensation patterns that apply to all participants across the industry. Compensation in each job would be tied to qualifications and experience; separate pay grids could be specified in various branches of finance (including major banks, insurance, superannuation, and financial advice). Clear and enforceable limits on sales- or revenue-based incentives would be specified – eliminating a key motivation for misconduct.

    This system would not rely solely on external regulators to monitor behaviour and investigate complaints. Instead, the enforcement of standards would become part of the regular administration of the collective agreement.

    Unfortunately, Australia’s restrictive industrial relations laws generally prohibit collective bargaining on a multi-firm or sector-wide basis. These restrictions are unusual: most industrial countries permit, and even encourage, multi-firm, pattern, or industry-wide bargaining as an efficient way to determine consistent benchmarks for pay and conditions, and ensure that ongoing economic and productivity growth translates into rising living standards.

    These restrictions should be reconsidered in light of pervasive financial misconduct – and the key role of perverse compensation systems in motivating that misconduct. Sectoral collective agreements could help reform compensation and reduce financial misconduct on a uniform, industry-wide basis. The Royal Commission should now explore standardised sector-wide collective agreements as a promising response to the problems it has so damningly documented. And the Commonwealth government should eliminate its unusual restrictions on collective bargaining so that this important reform could occur.

    The Centre for Future Work recently submitted a comprehensive proposal for sector-wide collective bargaining in the financial industry to the Royal Commission, as a solution to the problem of conflicted compensation and financial misconduct. Download the full submission below.



    Full submission

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  • “Permanent Casuals,” and Other Oxymorons

    “Permanent Casuals,” and Other Oxymorons

    by Jim Stanford

    Recent legal decisions are starting to challenge the right of employers to deploy workers in “casual” positions on an essentially permanent basis. For example, the Federal Court recently ruled that a labour-hire mine driver who worked regular shifts for years was still entitled to annual leave, even though he was supposedly hired as a “casual.” This decision has alarmed business lobbyists who reject any limit on their ability to deploy casual labour, while avoiding traditional entitlements (like sick pay, annual leave, severance rights, and more). For them, a “casual worker” is anyone who they deem to be casual; but that open door obviously violates the intent of Australia’s rules regarding casual loading.

    Here is a commentary from Jim Stanford, Director of the Centre for Future Work, discussing the implications of these decisions for the mis-use of casual work.  The commentary was originally published on the Ten Daily website.

    Time to rethink reliance on casual work

    Casual work has become a pervasive feature of Australia’s labour market. Until the 1990s, almost all workers, even part-timers, had permanent jobs with reasonably predictable schedules and access to normal work-related entitlements (like paid holidays and sick time). But then employers became obsessed with achieving “flexibility” in hiring. Flexibility sounds like a good thing, but in practice it meant granting employers more freedom to disemploy their workers, with no notice and no severance costs. The downside for workers is lack of certainty in rostering, poor job security, and no access to paid leave. That makes it impossible to make major purchases, plan child care, or take family holidays.

    At last count, around 25 percent of paid employees in Australia (or over 2.5 million workers) were employed on a casual basis. The incidence of casual work has grown noticeably since 2012, when the mining investment boom ended and the overall labour market weakened. Casual work has grown fastest in full-time positions, and among male workers. For young workers (under 25), casual work is especially ubiquitous: 55 percent work casual.  OECD data indicates that Australia now has the highest incidence of temporary work of any industrial country.

    Because it is so common, casual work has become “normalised” in the eyes of employers and policy-makers.  For example, Craig Laundy, former Commonwealth Minister for the Workplace, endorsed casual work enthusiastically this year, saying it is “a completely appropriate way for many businesses and many employees to conduct their relationship.”  Even business lobbyists admit that most casual staff actually work regular and predictable schedules.

    With this normalisation, many industries in Australia now rely on casual work as a permanent, core feature. Instead of using casual workers to meet temporary or seasonal fluctuations in demand, thousands of employers tap a permanent pool of casual workers to meet ongoing staffing requirements. Workers can be stuck on casual status even if they work regular shifts, for years at a time.

    In theory, employers pay a price for this super-flexibility: Australia’s casual loading rules require a 25 percent wage penalty to be paid to casual workers: compensation for lack of access to paid sick leave and holidays, and for the insecurity and instability attached to casual work. In practice, many employers do not pay this wage premium – effectively “hiding it” in lower base wages, or else evading it entirely (especially for young and foreign workers who do not understand the rules). But even if they do pay casual loading, employers should be prevented from abusing casual work as is now commonplace. After all, the inherent insecurity of casual work imposes a cost on workers and their families – a cost that grows if that insecurity is permanent.

    A series of recent legal decisions, however, is now challenging the assumption that casual work can be normal, legitimate and universal. Three particularly important cases could force employers to rethink their reliance on casual staffing:

    • A Federal Court judgment has ordered a labour hire company to pay retroactive annual leave to a mine driver who worked casual for several years, even though he was assigned to regular shifts. Employers complain this ruling somehow amounts to “double-dipping:” they claim that paying the 25 percent casual loading somehow entitles employers to deny paid holidays and other normal rights, even to long-term staff. That assumption has now been refuted.
    • The Fair Work Commission has decided to harmonise evening and Saturday penalty rates between casual and permanent workers in the retail sector. Until now, casuals were denied penalties of up to 25 percent of base wages for those shifts, compared to permanent workers. Now the penalties for casual workers will be raised to the same level as for permanent staff (although, perversely, the Commission is also in the process of cutting penalty rates for all workers on Sundays and holidays).
    • Another Fair Work Commission ruling affecting 85 different modern awards affirmed the right of casual staff to request conversion to permanent status after working regular shifts for a year. Employers can turn down those requests, but only if they would result in major changes in the applicant’s hours of work, or are otherwise “unreasonable.”

    Employers are pushing back hard against these precedents – and they seem to have the ear of the federal government. Business lobbyists predict billions in back payments arising from the annual leave decision, and are demanding legislative changes to avoid those costs. Kelly O’Dwyer, Minister for Jobs and Industrial Relations, has promised to investigate the idea. Some business groups are even proposing a brand new category of “perma-flexi” workers, who would receive a (smaller) wage loading for accepting casual status for years at a time. Anxious to preserve this highly profitable staffing practice, business leaders seem oblivious to the oxymoron inherent in their proposal for permanent casual work.

    Business complaints about the costs of treating casual workers fairly ring hollow. The 25 percent casual loading system was never intended as a carte blanche: that is, a kind of “permit” that granted employers permission to keep workers in perpetual insecurity, denied access to basic security and regular entitlements. Employers who used casual workers only where originally intended – that is, in temporary or irregular shifts – can continue to do so without significant extra costs.

    However, while promising, these recent decisions do not fully address the misuse of casual work. Casual workers should have broader options to convert to permanent status after shorter periods (say, six months) in a regular position.  And the application of casual employment rules (which deny termination pay and notice of dismissal to workers, as well as access to paid leave) should be restricted to carefully-defined and genuine situations of temporary or volatile demand.

    Nevertheless, these recent decisions are an important recognition that employers have been abusing this form of employment. And they are a wake-up call to employers, who should now think hard about reducing their reliance on casual staffing – and get back to creating steady jobs that workers (and their families) can count on.


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    IR Bill Will Cut Wages & Accelerate Precarity

    by Alison Pennington in Jacobin

    The Morrison government has proposed sweeping changes to labour laws that will expand unilateral employer power to cut wages and freely deploy casual labour. Together, the Coalition’s proposed changes will accelerate the incidence of insecure work, undermine genuine collective bargaining, and suppress wages growth. Impacts will be felt across the entire workforce – casual and permanent workers alike.

  • The Future of Transportation Work: Special Series, WA Transport

    The Future of Transportation Work: Special Series, WA Transport

    by Jim Stanford and Matt Grudnoff

    A special 6-part series of short articles from WA Transport Magazine:

    Researchers have identified the transportation industry as one of the sectors likely to be most affected by the coming implementation of new technologies: such as self-driving vehicles, artificial intelligence, and automated logistics systems. How will transportation workers fare as these technologies are rolled out, and what measures can be taken – by employers, governments, unions, educational institutions, and other stakeholders – to ease the transitions?

    Earlier this year the Centre for Future Work completed a comprehensive review of factors influencing the future of work in transportation industries, commissioned by TWUSUPER (the main industry super fund serving the transportation sector). The report (co-authored by Jim Stanford and Matt Grudnoff) concluded that technology is not the only factor transforming work in transportation; in fact, if anything, accelerating changes in the nature of employment relationships (including the spread of independent contractor roles, “gigs”, and other forms of insecure work) are having a bigger immediate impact. Moreover, with appropriate planning, consultation, negotiation, and investments in training and adjustment, the employment impacts of new technology could clearly be managed without undue harm or displacement – but only if all stakeholders commit to an inclusive, collaborative process of planning and adjustment.

    In the wake of our report, the industry journal WA Transport has published a very readable compendium of short articles, each exploring a different aspect of our report.

    With the kind permission of WA Transport, we reprint those articles here. Together they are a useful resource for leaders and educators in the transportation industry.

    Part I: The Economic Importance of Transportation

    Part II: Transportation Work Today

    Part III: Twin Drivers of Change

    Part IV: Applications of New Technology in Transportation

    Part V: Work Organisation and Employment Relationships

    Part VI: Change Scenarios and Policy Implications

    We thank TWUSUPER for the opportunity to undertake this research, and WA Transport for publishing this series of articles.



    Part I: The Economic Importance of Transportation



    Part II: Transportation Work Today



    Part III: Twin Drivers of Change



    Part IV: Applications of New Technology in Transportation



    Part V: Work Organisation and Employment Relationships



    Part VI: Change Scenarios and Policy Implications

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  • Infographic: The Shrinking Labour Share of GDP and Average Wages

    Infographic: The Shrinking Labour Share of GDP and Average Wages

    by Jim Stanford

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    The Centre for Future Work recently published a symposium of research investigating the long-term decline in the share of Australian GDP paid to workers (including wages, salaries, and superannuation contributions). The four articles, published in a special issue of the Journal of Australian Political Economy, documented the erosion of workers’ share of national income, its causes, and consequences.

    This infographic summarises the bottom-line impact on average wage incomes for Australian workers.

    Labour Share Infographic

    In the March quarter of 2018, labour income (in wages, salaries, and superannuation contributions) accounted for 47.1% of total GDP. That is down over 11 percentage points from the peak labour share (over 58%) recorded in the same quarter of 1975. The loss of that share of GDP, given total output today, is equivalent to a redirection of some $210 billion in annual income – and the research symposium showed that almost all of that income was captured in the form of higher company profits (especially in the financial sector). If it were divided equally amongst all employed Australians, that lost income share translates into foregone income of close to $17,000 per worker.

    Many thanks to Anna Chang for her creative work on the infographic!

    The research symposium highlighted several factors that have caused the long-run shift in income distribution from workers to the business sector, and resulting growth in personal income inequality in Australia. Key factors included the erosion of union representation and collective bargaining, inadequate minimum wages, and the growing power of the financial sector.  For more details, see the articles by Jim Stanford, David Peetz, Margaret Mackenzie, Shaun Wilson, and Frances Flanagan.


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    Denying Wages Crisis Won’t Make It Go Away

    by Jim Stanford

    As the great novelist Isaac Asimov wrote, “The easiest way to solve a problem is to deny it exists.” Business leaders and sympathetic commentators have adopted that advice with gusto, during current public debates over the unprecedented weakness of Australian wages.

  • Four Views on Basic Income, Job Guarantees, and the Future of Work

    Four Views on Basic Income, Job Guarantees, and the Future of Work

    The unprecedented insecurity of work in Australia’s economy – with the labour market buffeted by technology, globalisation, and new digital business models – has sparked big thinking about policies for addressing this insecurity and enhancing the incomes and well-being of working people. Two ideas which have generated much discussion and debate are proposals for a basic income (through which all adults would receive an unconditional minimum level of income whether they were employed or not) and a job guarantee (whereby government would ensure that every willing worker could be employed in some job, such as public works or public services, thus eliminating involuntary unemployment).

    Progressives have campaigned for generations for stronger income security programs and for a commitment to full employment by government. So these ideas have a long pedigree. However, there is great discussion over both the implementation and cost of these proposals, and their broader (and perhaps unintended) economic and political consequences.

    To shed some additional, constructive perspective on these proposals, we are pleased to present four short commentaries on basic income, job guarantees, and the future of work by four leading Australian experts on the economics and politics of work.

    The four commentaries are posted below in alphabetical order of their authors:

    • Dr. Frances Flanagan, Research Director, United Voice: The Policy and Politics of Basic Income: A Few Concerns
    • Troy Henderson, Economist, Centre for Future Work: Situating Basic Income and a Job Guarantee in a Hierarchy of Pragmatic-Utopian Reform
    • Dr. Ben Spies-Butcher, Dept. of Sociology, Macquarie University: Basic Income as a Progressive Priority
    • Dr. Jim Stanford, Economist and Director, Centre for Future Work: Work, Technology, and Basic Income: Issues to Consider

    Three of the commentaries (by Flanagan, Henderson, and Spies-Butcher) were initially presented to the recent “Reboot the Future” conference in Sydney, hosted by Greens NSW Political Education Trust. The authors expanded and edited their remarks for the purposes of this symposium. We thank the organisers for their cooperation. The fourth commentary (by Stanford) arose from recent discussions within the Centre for Future Work’s voluntary Advisory Committee.  Together, we think these nuanced commentaries add valuable perspective to these important but complex policy debates.

    Our publication of these commentaries coincides with this week’s annual General Assembly of the Basic Income Earth Network (BIEN), being held this year at the University of Tampere in Finland.  In a personal capacity, Centre for Future Work economist Troy Henderson is presenting at the Assembly on his Ph.D. research regarding the fiscal and labour market impacts of basic income.

    We will continue to consider the advantages and disadvantages of both these important policy proposals in future research and commentary. We thank the authors for their contributions to this discussion, and welcome further feedback!



    Frances Flanagan



    Troy Henderson



    Ben Spies-Butcher



    Jim Stanford

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  • Workers’ slice of Australian economic pie gets smaller

    Workers’ slice of Australian economic pie gets smaller

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    As corporate profits continue to climb, new research from the Centre for Future Work shows the share of Australian GDP paid out to workers is hovering at a post-war low.

    The Australia Institute’s Centre for Future Work has today published a new research symposium documenting how workers’ slice of the national economic pie continues to get smaller.

    Key findings:

    • From peak levels of 58 per cent of GDP in the mid-1970s labour compensation — including wages, salaries, and superannuation contributions — declined to just 47 percent in 2017, their lowest level since 1960.
    • Real wages have consistently lagged behind the ongoing growth in labour productivity, meaning workers are not getting paid enough to buy back the goods and services they produce.
    • The loss of labour’s share of GDP translates into the redirection of over $200 billion in income per year from workers to other groups in society (mostly corporations).

    “In recent years, wages have barely kept up with consumer price inflation – and for many workers, they have fallen behind,” said Dr. Jim Stanford, Director of the Centre for Future Work.

    “The fact that the workers’ slice of the economic pie continues to get smaller speaks volumes about the lopsided power imbalance in today’s labour market.

    “The decline in Australia’s labour share from the 1970s peak to the present, ranks among the worst of all OECD countries, even worse than the United States.

    “Almost the entire decline in the labour share has been reflected in a corresponding increase in the share of GDP going to corporate profits – especially the financial sector.

    “In short, while the workers’ share has continued to get smaller, the share of corporate profits has continued to get larger.

    “By comparison, in some countries the labour share has been stable or rose during the same period, disproving the claim that this trend is somehow ‘universal’ or ‘inevitable’.

    “Without urgent measures to strengthen labour standards and protections, including stronger minimum wages and a restoration of meaningful collective bargaining, this decline will almost certainly continue.

    “The company tax cuts for big business now being proposed by the federal government are just the icing on top of an already-rich cake.”

    This research resulted from a special panel of experts convened by the Centre for Future Work, at the Society for Heterodox Economists conference at UNSW in Sydney last December. The papers from that panel have been peer-reviewed, and are published this week in the Journal of Australian Political Economy.

    Authors contributing to the symposium include Dr.David Peetz (Griffith University), Dr. Shaun Wilson (Macquarie University), Dr. Margaret Mackenzie (Economist, Australian Council of Trade Unions), and Dr. Jim Stanford (Economist and Director of the Centre for Future Work).


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  • Exploring the Decline in the Labour Share of GDP

    Exploring the Decline in the Labour Share of GDP

    The share of total economic output in Australia that is paid to workers (in the form of wages, salaries, and superannuation contributions) has been declining for decades. Workers produce more real output with each hour of labour (thanks to ongoing efficiency improvements and productivity growth), but growth in real wages has been much slower – and recently, real wages haven’t been growing at all. The result is that labour’s slice of the economic pie has been getting smaller. In fact, a recent Centre for Future Work report showed that in early 2017 the labour share of GDP hit its lowest level since the Australian Bureau of Statistics began collecting quarterly GDP data.

    To explore the causes and consequences of this decline in workers’ share of national income, the Centre for Future Work convened a special panel of experts at the Society for Heterodox Economists conference at UNSW in Sydney last December. The papers presented at that panel have been peer-reviewed and just published in the Journal of Australian Political Economy. We are very pleased to co-publish the 4 papers here.

    • In addition to further documenting the long erosion of workers’ share of Australian GDP, the symposium sheds additional light on the trend, including the following aspects:
    • The shifting distribution of income from labour to capital contributes to widening inequality in personal incomes (since financial wealth, and income from that wealth, is so tightly concentrated among the richest Australians).
    • The decline in the labour share in Australia has been among the worst third of all OECD economies; and some countries have experienced stable or even rising labour shares, proving this trend is neither universal nor inevitable.
    • The growing power of finance, and the financialisation of business practices even by non-financial firms, have been key factors in the relative fall of labour compensation.
    • New business models involving the fragmentation of work and the outsourcing of direct employment responsibilities by lead companies (what participating author David Peetz terms “not-there capitalism”) have also contributed to the trend.
    • Australia’s minimum wage once established a strong foundation for a healthy labour share of national income, but its influence has eroded over the last 30 years as minimum wages have failed to keep up with overall wage trends and productivity growth.
    • Despite the erosion of union density and collective bargaining, Australian unions still possess an impressive capacity to mobilise working people to demand a better share of the economic pie (including through the political process).

    The long decline in the labour share is a powerful, telling indicator of the regressive shifts in the power balances of Australian society over the last generation.  These articles help us understand what has happened – and how to achieve a better distribution of income between factors of production in the future.

    Links to the 4 articles, and a rich introduction to the symposium (by Dr. Frances Flanagan of United Voice and Prof. Frank Stilwell of the University of Sydney) are provided below. Please visit the Journal of Australian Political Economy to learn more about the symposium, and to subscribe.

    • Introduction: Frances Flanagan and Frank Stilwell.
    • The Declining Labour Share in Australia: Definition, Measurement, and International Comparisons: Jim Stanford (Director, Centre for Future Work)
    • The Labour Share, Power and Financialisation: David Peetz (Professor of Employment Relations, Griffith University)
    • The Erosion of Minimum Wage Policy in Australia and Labour’s Shrinking Share of Total Income: Margaret McKenzie (Economist, Australian Council of Trade Unions)
    • The Declining Labour Share and the Return of Democratic Class Conflict in Australia: Shaun Wilson (Associate Professor Sociology, Macquarie University)



    Frances Flanagan & Frank Stilwell



    Jim Stanford



    David Peetz



    Margaret McKenzie



    Shaun Wilson

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