Category: Wages & Entitlements

  • Penalty Rates, Minimum Wages, and Purchasing Power

    Penalty Rates, Minimum Wages, and Purchasing Power

    by Jim Stanford

    The Fair Work Commission released two major decisions this week: its order regarding the timing for the implementation of reductions in penalty rates for Sunday and public holiday work in four major retail and hospitality awards, followed by its annual review of the general minimum wage. Both decisions will take effect on July 1. It is interesting to review the combined impact that the two decisions will have on the wages of workers in sectors affected by the penalty rates decision. In particular, does the Fair Work Commission’s decision to phase those cuts in over two or three years somehow protect the workers who will now receive lower wages for work on Sundays and holidays? Our previous research suggested this was not possible; we can re-examine that question in light of the Fair Work Commission’s two actual decisions.



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  • Weekend Work and Penalty Pay in 108 Industries

    Weekend Work and Penalty Pay in 108 Industries

    by Jim Stanford

    As Australians debate the Fair Work Commission’ decision to reduce penalty rates for retail and hospitality workers, the Centre for Future Work has published new research on the prevalence of weekend work in other sectors of Australia’s economy – and the macroeconomic importance of extra income generated by weekend penalty pay.

    The analysis is based on detailed new data on employment on Saturdays and Sundays in 108 different Australian industries.  It finds that weekend work is common in almost all sectors of the economy: with an average of 2.75 million Australian employees on the job on a typical weekend.  The extra income generated by penalty rates and related provisions for weekend work is estimated to add over $14 billion per year to the pay packets of weekend workers.

    So while the retail and hospitality sector may be the most visible examples of weekend work, the practice extends far beyond those two sectors.  And if reductions in penalty rates are eventually applied in other sectors of the economy, as seems likely, the economic impact on Australian workers will be severe.

    Legal experts have suggested that the same arguments invoked to justify the reduction in penalty rates for retail and hospitality workers will be used to support similar demands in other sectors, and employers in other sectors have already begun to argue that their penalty rates should be cut, too.

    Penalty rates for Sunday work were estimated to supplement employees’ incomes by $8.5 billion per year, while penalties for working on Saturdays added another $5.5 billion.  This estimate includes the direct penalty rates paid to workers covered under the Modern Award system, but also the income supplements indirectly received by workers under enterprise agreements and individual contracts (whose terms must match or exceed the minimums specified in the relevant awards).

    In the context of Australia’s record-slow pace of wages growth, income generated by penalty rates takes on added macroeconomic importance – in addition to its traditional function as compensation for the inconvenience and hardship of working on weekends.  Indeed, at current rates of wage growth, it would take five years of regular wage increases for aggregate labour income in the economy to regain the loss if weekend penalties were abolished altogether.



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  • A “Transition” to Nowhere

    A “Transition” to Nowhere

    by Jim Stanford

    Government and business leaders have proposed a range of possible “transition” mechanisms to ease the economic hardship, and defuse political anger, following the Fair Work Commission’s decision to cut penalty rates for work on Sundays and public holidays in the retail and hospitality industries.  This briefing note critically reviews several of these proposals. 

    Whether they are motivated by sincere concern for affected workers, or by more cynical interest in managing a challenging political issue, proposals for “transition” and “adjustment” cannot alter the ultimate regressive effects of the Fair Work Commission’s decision.



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  • Women’s Wages and the Penalty Rate Cut

    Women’s Wages and the Penalty Rate Cut

    by Jim Stanford

    Today is International Women’s Day, a time to reflect on the continued inequality faced by women — including in the world of work.  Traditional measures of the “gender pay gap” indicate that women earn around 17 percent less than men, in ordinary pay in equivalent full-time positions.  But the situation is worse than that, because of women’s disproportionate concentration in part-time work.  Including part-time workers, women now earn exactly one-third less than men.

    The Fair Work Commission’s announcement of coming reductions in penalty rates for Sunday and holiday work (of up to 50 percentage points of base wage) in the retail and hospitality sectors will clearly (if implemented) exacerbate the gender inequality in earnings.

    After all, the retail and hospitality sectors are among the biggest employers of part-time workers, very often in casual and irregular positions.  Women make up most of the workforce in both sectors, and they occupy an even larger share of part-time positions: 70 percent of women in food and beverage services, and 60 percent of women in retail, are in part-time jobs.  Most of the workers whose Sunday wages will be cut are women — and they were already among the lowest-earning workers in the entire labour force.

    If this decision was a “gift” to workers from the FWC (as some politicians have described it), wrapped up and delivered just in time for International Women’s Day, women should definitely send it back.



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  • Beyond Belief: Construction Labour and the Cost of Housing in Australia

    Beyond Belief: Construction Labour and the Cost of Housing in Australia

    by Jim Stanford

    Remember when Prime Minister Turnbull and Immigration Minister Dutton blamed unionized construction workers for the high cost of housing in Australia? The idea that workers (not property speculators or bankers) are to blame for the property bubble is pretty far-fetched — in fact, it sparked a viral storm on social media, using the #blameunions hashtag.

    We’ve looked in detail at the empirical data regarding the relationship (or lack thereof) between unions, construction wages, and housing prices.  The results are surprising…

    A new research paper from the Centre for Future Work has found that:

    • Average earnings in the construction industry have grown more slowly than the Australian average over the last five years.
    • Real wage increases in construction have been slower than real productivity growth, with the effect that real unit labour costs in construction have declined.
    • Construction labour accounts for only 17-22 percent of the total costs of new building.
    • Construction costs, in turn, account for less than half the market value of residential property.
    • Construction labour costs correspond to less than 10 percent of housing prices (and even less than that in Australia’s biggest cities).
    • Construction workers receive far less income from the housing sector than land-owners, property investors, and banks.
    • Construction labour accounts for about the same proportion of a house purchase as real estate commissions and stamp duty.
    • Homes in Australia are becoming unaffordable even for the workers who build them: on average, a construction worker would need to spend 9.2 years of their pre-tax earnings to purchase a median home (25 percent more than just four years ago).

    The paper recommends that if government genuinely wants to make housing more affordable, it should turn its attention to the real causes of soaring housing prices: by cooling off property speculation, more carefully regulating the banking sector, and reforming property-related taxes.



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