Author: annamations

  • Bolstered by a biased tax system, house prices keep rising

    Originally published in The Guardian on June 15, 2023

    As interest rates rise, the gains from negative gearing increase.

    Despite rising interest rates, the latest figures from the Bureau of Statistics show that Australia’s house prices rebounded in the March quarter of this year. Policy director Greg Jericho writes in his Guardian Australia column that since the beginning of the pandemic property prices around Australia have risen 26% while at the same time average household disposable income has increased just 8%.

    This disparity has massive consequences for affordability. Had for example the median property price in Sydney risen in line with household incomes since June 2020, instead of being $1.15m it would be $954,000 – a $196,000 difference.

    Underlying the strength of the market even in the face of rising interest rates is the fact that Australia’s tax system is biased towards property investors.

    The most recent taxation statistics covering 2020-21 showed for the first time the number of investors recording property net profits was greater than those recording a loss. Such a situation only occurred because of the record low interest rates at the time. We know that the past 12 months will have seen a large spike in the number of people negative gearing their properties and thus not surprisingly housing remains an attractive investment not in spite of rising interest rates, but because of rising interest rates.


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    Centre For Future Work to evolve into standalone entity

    The Centre for Future Work was established by the Australia Institute in 2016 to conduct and publish progressive economic research on work, employment, and labour markets. Supported by the Australian Union movement, the centre produced cutting edge research and led the national conversation on economic issues facing working people: including the future of jobs, wages

  • Blame Game on Inflation has Only Just Begun

    Originally published in The Canberra Times on June 8, 2023

    Every inflationary episode embodies a power struggle within society over who benefits from inflation, who loses out – and who will bear the cost of getting inflation back down.

    That’s because inflation never affects all prices and incomes evenly. Some prices shoot up, while others grow slowly or decline. Some incomes keep pace with rising prices (or even outpace them), while others lag far behind. Thus the impacts of inflation are always uneven. And this sparks economic and political controversy.

    This distributional conflict is readily visible in current Australian inflation. As prices took off after the lockdowns, corporate profits surged dramatically, reaching their highest share of GDP ever by 2022.

    Meanwhile, wages – which were historically weak even before the pandemic – lagged far behind. In the last two years, consumer prices rose 12.5% (and more for essentials, like food and energy). Average wages grew less than half as much – barely 6% – in the same time.

    That means the purchasing power of workers’ wages is falling. It’s the biggest and fastest real wage cut in postwar history – and record profits from those higher prices are the corollary of workers’ falling real incomes.

    Despite the fact that wages have lagged, not led, recent inflation, the powers-that-be are still targeting workers to bear the brunt of the anti-inflation effort.  The Reserve Bank is now using high interest rates to cool off employment and slow wage growth.

    This inflation has produced clear winners, and clear losers. So it’s a myth to proclaim that inflation “hurts all Australians,” pretending we can all join together in a shared national effort to wrestle prices to the ground.

    Our Centre for Future Work published research showing just how lopsided the impacts of inflation have been in Australia. We analysed official national accounts data from the ABS, including income flows, output data,  and changes in average economy-wide prices.

    From end-2019 (just before the pandemic) to September 2022 (latest data at the time), higher corporate unit profits accounted for 69% of excess inflation (over and above the RBA’s 2.5% target). Unit labour costs accounted for just 18%, and other stakeholders (including small business) the remainder.

    This confirmed that workers are the victims of inflation, not its cause, and raised big questions about the RBA’s determination to target wages (not profits) for tough anti-inflation medicine. Our findings sparked widespread interest and anger. So business peak bodies, and business-friendly commentators, have launched a steady stream of attacks against our report since its release in February.

    RBA and Treasury officials also disagree with our conclusions. They have not challenged our actual numbers: indeed, internal RBA memos replicated and confirmed our finding that wider corporate profit margins account for the lion’s share of higher prices since 2019.

    But despite this evidence, these officials deny soaring corporate profits are a concern in the anti-inflation battle. Profits grew most dramatically in the energy and mining industries, they say. This is certainly true – due in part to sky-high prices paid by Australians for petrol, gas, and other resource-intensive products. So we can’t magically exclude this super-profitable sector from our analysis of inflation, nor our plan for tackling it.

    They also claim profits outside of mining have not increased. This is false: non-mining profits have been less spectacular than resources, but profit margins have widened significantly, reinforcing inflation. Consumers are reminded of this every time they visit a supermarket, book an airline ticket, or try to rent an apartment.

    In sum, these arguments cannot deny that business has profited mightily from the current inflation – especially, but not solely, in energy and mining – while workers have suffered.

    A flip side of this class conflict over inflation was starkly visible last week, when the Fair Work Commission announced a 5.75% increase in Award wages. That doesn’t quite keep up with inflation, but it sure helps.

    Within minutes, the same corporate lobbyists so offended by our research, lined up to denounce the wage increase as inflationary. They want Australia’s lowest-paid workers, whose living standards have already declined, to sacrifice further. Little wonder business peak bodies hate ay public attention on their own record profits.

    The blame game over inflation will get more heated in the months ahead. Inflation is likely to ease, as many of the unique post-pandemic factors (supply chains, energy price shock, pent-up demand) that underpinned firms’ price increases gradually abate. But real wages have fallen – and workers, understandably, want to repair that damage.

    So workers will demand wage gains in excess of inflation. And by all rights, they deserve that. That need not cause further inflation, especially if record high profit margins come back to earth.

    Corporations, however, want to sustain their record profits as long as possible. They want to keep wages down, and the RBA seems determined to help. So buckle up: the great Aussie debate over inflation is just getting started.

    Jim Stanford is Economist and Director of the Centre for Future Work at the Australia Institute, and the author of Profit-Price Spiral: The Truth About Australia’s Inflation.


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • The economy is slowing as households get smashed by yet more rate rises

    Originally published in The Guardian on June 8, 2023

    A slowing economy and households closing their wallets is bad news with a Reserve Bank determined to keep raising rates

    The March quarter saw Australia’s economy grow a rather pathetic 0.2% and fall 0.3% in per capita terms. As policy director Greg Jericho writes in his Guardian Australia column, the economy is slowing at a pace that normally would see the Reserve Bank thinking about cutting rates.

    And yet as poor as these figures are, worse is likely to come as the March quarter does not include the two most recent rate rises and only a small amount of the impact from the rate rises in February and March. Both the Treasury and the RBA estimate the Australian economy will go backwards on a per capita basis over the next year and these figures suggest their estimates are if anything too optimistic.

    Households are reducing their savings as wages fail to keep up with inflation. Over the past 2 quarters, household consumption grew at an annualised pace of just 1%. Whenever household consumption has grown that slow the economy has either been in a recession or teetered on the edge.

    And yet despite acknowledging there was uncertainty over household spending, the RBA on Tuesday decided to raise rates in order to essentially slow household spending.

    All they have done is once again hit households that already need a standing 8 count.

    The figures pleasingly showed that total wages are now growing solidly due to both increased employment and better wage growth. But this has not come at the expense of profits, indeed corporate profits in the March quarter rose 3.2% – faster than the 2% increase in unit labour costs. Real unit labour costs rose just 0.2% in the March quarter while real unit profit costs rose 1%.

    This again highlights that profits more than wages drive inflation, and raising rates to slow wage growth by raising unemployment is a poor monetary policy that only risks an unnecessary recession.


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  • The level of public housing needs to return to previous levels

    Originally published in The Guardian on June 1, 2023

    Australia needs more housing, and we definitely need more public housing

    There is rarely a debate in Australia that generates more heat than housing. The causes of housing unaffordability and the solutions to it are varied and often get bogged down in power plays and political scaremongering. But as policy director Greg Jericho notes, building more homes is a pretty obvious solution, and more public housing needs to be at the forefront.

    The NSW Productivity Commission this week released a report into housing in NSW that recommended “Building more homes where people want to live.” To this end it suggested raising average apartment heights in suburbs close to the CBD, allowing more development near transport hubs and encouraging townhouses and other medium-density development.

    All of this is worthy. And if combined with the reform of the negative gearing and the capital gains discount will do much good.

    But the report noted that “New South Wales experienced a 45% surge in priority applicant households on the social housing register, with 6,519 priority social housing applicants waiting for assistance as at 30 June 2022”. And yet it did not mention public housing or any social housing solutions at all.

    In the past public housing was a much greater share of Australia’s housing market.

    In 1983 14 public housing building approvals were made for every 100 private sector ones. Now it’s 1.7:100.

    The level of new housing per head of population has fallen and it is thus little wonder that house prices have risen beyond the means of many.

    We need more housing and we desperately need more public housing.

    In the 2019 election campaign, the ALP pledged 250,000 new houses over 10 years. That has now become 30,000 over 5 years under the proposed Housing Fund. It is time for more ambition from the government and more housing for low and middle income earners.


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    Centre For Future Work to evolve into standalone entity

    The Centre for Future Work was established by the Australia Institute in 2016 to conduct and publish progressive economic research on work, employment, and labour markets. Supported by the Australian Union movement, the centre produced cutting edge research and led the national conversation on economic issues facing working people: including the future of jobs, wages

  • Don’t worry about a budget surplus, worry about a slowing economy

    Originally published in The Guardian on May 11, 2023

    Rather than be a budget that will fuel inflation, the budget is actually closer to austerity than stimulation

    The Budget announced this week by Treasurer Jim Chalmers revealed a projected surplus in 2022-23 before returning to a deficit in the future years. In response many commentators and economists have suggested that the budget is therefore expansionary and will fuel inflation. But as policy director, Greg Jericho notes in his Guardian Australia column given the projected slowing economy, if anything the budget should be more expansionary.

    Most of the claims around the budget fueling inflation are based on the movement of the budget from surplus in 2022-23 to deficit in 2023-24. And usually, this would suggest that the government is stimulating the economy. But when we look at the actual figures within the budget, the overwhelming reason for the shift from surplus is due to parameter changes relating to oil, gas, coal and iron ore prices. The spending measures the government is proposing are hardly expansionary at all. Their direct impact on total household income is minimal, and the largest spending is on reducing medical and energy bills rather than directly giving households more money.

    When we look at the forecasts for public demand growth we see a level of expansion that is more akin to an austere budget than one attempting to stimulate the economy.

    But when we also look at the forecasts for economic growth over the next two years we see an economy slowing quite abruptly in a world that is teetering on a global recession. In the past, such weak forecasts for household spending and GDP growth would have seen governments spending more and lifting economic growth.

    This budget appropriately deals with the concerns of inflation by directly lowering the costs of energy and medical bills – it demonstrates that governments do have a role to play in lowering inflation and that it need not be done purely by the traditional view that the government must slow the economy. The economy is already projected to slow, and by this time next year the calls will likely be less about why the budget is not in surplus and more about what is the government doing to simulate the economy


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    Commonwealth Budget 2025-2026: Our analysis

    by Fiona Macdonald

    The Centre for Future Work’s research team has analysed the Commonwealth Government’s budget, focusing on key areas for workers, working lives, and labour markets. As expected with a Federal election looming, the budget is not a horror one of austerity. However, the 2025-2026 budget is characterised by the absence of any significant initiatives. There is

    Centre For Future Work to evolve into standalone entity

    The Centre for Future Work was established by the Australia Institute in 2016 to conduct and publish progressive economic research on work, employment, and labour markets. Supported by the Australian Union movement, the centre produced cutting edge research and led the national conversation on economic issues facing working people: including the future of jobs, wages

  • Commonwealth Budget 2023-24

    Commonwealth Budget 2023-24

    Significant Progress for Workers, Much More to Do

    The Commonwealth government’s 2023-24 budget reveals a progressive government seeking to help lower paid workers and those struggling to pay bills, support public health care, and pursue investments towards a net zero economy. But it is very much a first step, and leaves much more work to be done to repair past harms done to workers, low-income Australians, public services and infrastructure, and the environment.

    This briefing reviews the main features of the budget from the perspective of workers and labour markets. Some of its measures are very positive, such as fiscal support for higher wages for aged care workers, increased JobKeeper benefits, and enhanced Commonwealth Rent Assistance.

    Contrary to concerns that a big-spending budget would exacerbate inflation, this budget will have little impact on overall aggregate demand. In fact, it will pro-actively reduce inflation through its new $500 energy relief plan. Contrary to conservative economists who claim this budget will fuel inflation, in reality the forecasts confirm historically slow growth in public demand in both 2022-23 and 2023-24.

    Despite these positive measures, the budget also contains disappointing aspects. Most importantly, the Stage 3 tax cuts remain on schedule. And while they are only set to begin in 2024-25, they hang over these budget figures like a dark spectre.

    The budget papers also confirm the economy is far from buoyant. The next 18 months are expected to see economic growth well-below average. Households are reacting to three years of falling real wages, and eleven painful increases in interest rates, by severely constraining consumer spending. Slowing job creation and declining real wages are taking their toll on overall economic growth, highlighting again that the key to a strong economy is strong employment and wage growth.

    Please read our research team’s full review of this historic budget.



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  • Affordability of a Liveable Jobseeker Payment is a Non-Issue

    Affordability of a Liveable Jobseeker Payment is a Non-Issue

    by Brett Fiebiger

    Commonwealth on Track for Diminutive Deficit or Surplus in 2022-2023

    In the lead-up to its 2023-24 budget, the Labor Government finds itself in an awkward position, accepting that the Jobseeker payment is “seriously inadequate” and an impediment to regaining work, yet professing that it lacks the financial capacity to afford a meaningful increase anytime soon.

    The Economic Inclusion Advisory Committee’s (EIAC) April 2023 Interim Report recommended raising Jobseeker from 70% of the Pension up to 90%. The current Jobseeker base rate for a single person with no children is $693.10 per fortnight. Lifting it up to 90% of the current Pension payment of $971.50 per fortnight would provide the unemployed with an extra $181.25 per fortnight (or $12.25 per day).

    Labor has baulked at the cost of the EIAC’s Jobseeker proposal. There is speculation that the upcoming budget will include a $50 per fortnight increase in the Jobseeker payment for those over 55 years of age. It is unclear if that increase will apply to everyone over 55 years of age, or just to the 55 to 59 year old cohort who are currently ineligible for the additional $52 per fortnight already available to those over 60 and who have been unemployed for longer than nine months.

    A $3.57 per day rise in the Jobseeker payment for those over 55 years of age (or between 55 and 59) seems rather stingy. One might expect that the plight of the unemployed—among the least well-off and most financially-constrained members of society—would be a high priority in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis.

    Before last year’s election, the Labor party abandoned a previous pledge to raise Jobseeker payments, on concerns about growing Commonwealth government debt. The EIAC then only came about as a concession to gain Senator David Pocock’s support for the Secure Jobs Better Pay Act 2022.

    Labor’s meme of “inheriting a trillion dollar debt that will take generations to pay off” has echoed the Coalition’s 2013 so-called “budget emergency”, also used to blame the preceding government. The nation’s allegedly dire fiscal position was cited by Bill Shorten as justification for not adopting the EIAC’s key recommendations: ‘We can only do what is responsible and sustainable and unfortunately the budget we inherited from the previous government is heaving with a trillion dollars of Liberal debt, so [we] can’t do everything.’

    The strategy of deflecting accountability for policy choices on grounds of fiscal constraint has become less credible, given the robust post-pandemic economic recovery and the boom in commodity prices – all of which has generated large improvements in the Commonwealth government’s fiscal position. As illustrated in Figure 1, the government’s underlying cash deficit for the current financial year (2022-23), once expected to be $100 billion, has shrunk dramatically.

    Sources: Australian Government, Budget Papers, Monthly Financial Statements. Author’s calculations.

    Indeed, the Commonwealth Government’s latest Monthly Financial Statements show that it is on track to post a very small deficit, or even a surplus, for the 2022-23 financial year. As of March 2023 the underlying cash balance (UCB) had improved by $23.3 billion over the estimates in the October 2022-23 Budget. If the year-to-date deficit changes little in the last quarter, and with higher GDP than previously estimated, then the UCB in 2022-23 would come in at a diminutive -0.5% of GDP. That’s insignificant by any meaningful economic standard.

    Further upside is possible. If the average monthly improvement from November 2022 to March 2023 continues in the last quarter of the financial year, the UCB in 2022-23 would be a surplus of $2.8 billion.

    Australia’s public debt load – also measured appropriately as a proportion of GDP (rather than in big scary ‘trillion dollar’ terms) is also modest when compared to the nation’s peers and to its own historical record. Our general government debt (including state governments) is lower than any G7 economy, and half the size of the average for advanced economies. The same cannot be said, however, for Australian households: their debt is higher than any G7 economy, and ranks second (behind only Switzerland) among all industrial countries (see Figure 2).

    Figure 2: Government and Household Debt

    Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Economic Database. Bank for International Settlements, Credit to the Non-Financial Sector.

    Having switched from “opposition mode” into “governance mode,” it makes sense for Labor to start to talk up the nation’s public finances. Such a narrative would be plausible given that Australia’s fiscal position is robust and sustainable: now and into the foreseeable future. That is the current assessment of the International Monetary Fund in its latest Article IV Consultation, amongst others.

    The prospect for further substantial improvement in the UCB over the forecasts – and perhaps even a surplus – should raise expectations about what the government can do to ease cost-of-living pressures. Arguably, however, a liveable unemployment benefit should be prioritised regardless of the economic and fiscal outlook.

    The EIAC’s Jobseeker proposal is estimated to cost $24 billion over four years. Implementing all of the EIAC’s other recommendations brings the cost to $36 billion. The annual cost of the full package would amount, respectively, to just 0.3% of GDP in the next financial year. Such expenditures, while having a diminutive impact on the Commonwealth Government’s fiscal position, would literally transform the lives of the unemployed.

    When all is said and done whether a nation should have a liveable unemployment benefit is a question of principles. There is an obvious option for Labor to allay its worries about the budgetary or inflationary pressures of a liveable Jobseeker payment: namely, jettison the 2024-25 Stage 3 tax cuts, that are estimated to cost $300 billion over the first nine years. Tax cuts that mainly benefit high-income earners make no sense in an economic landscape where over 90% of the pre-tax income gains from growth in national income have in recent experience gone to the highest-income 10% of households.

    The reluctance of the government to discard or redesign the Stage 3 tax cuts is attributed by some to the Labor Party’s pre-election commitments. It remains that the tick boxes for good governance do not include steadfast adherence to suboptimal policy positions. Overseeing regressive tax cuts, while being unwilling to meaningfully improve the lot of the least well-off, has those principles back-to-front.

    Dr Brett Fiebiger is a post-Keynesian economist. His research focuses on macroeconomic policy, growth theory and income distribution.


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    Centre For Future Work to evolve into standalone entity

    The Centre for Future Work was established by the Australia Institute in 2016 to conduct and publish progressive economic research on work, employment, and labour markets. Supported by the Australian Union movement, the centre produced cutting edge research and led the national conversation on economic issues facing working people: including the future of jobs, wages

  • RBA Review a Missed Opportunity

    RBA Review a Missed Opportunity

    by Anis Chowdhury

    The Commonwealth Treasury has released the report of a three-person panel charged with reviewing the structure, governance, and effectiveness of the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA). Treasurer Jim Chalmers accepted in principle all 51 of the panel’s recommendations, ranging from creating a separate board to make decisions on interest rates, to giving the Bank a simpler dual mandate to pursue both price stability and full employment.

    The report represents the most important reconsideration of monetary policy in Australia since the advent of inflation targeting three decades ago. But the “new look” RBA after this review may even do more harm to the economy than in the past. This is because the independent review panel missed the opportunity to question the deeper myths and assumptions regarding the central bank’s infallibility and their ideological bias.

    In this report, Centre for Future Work Associate Dr Anis Chowdhury catalogues the assumptions and failures of conventional inflation targeting policy, and the misleading nature of so-called ‘independent’ central banks. He argues the review panel missed an historic opportunity to reconsider those assumptions, and help craft a more balanced and democratic macroeconomic policy framework.



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  • The Reserve Bank’s decision to raise rates shows a total lack of coherency

    Originally published in The Guardian on May 3, 2023

    Wages growth is rising slowly and inflation is falling faster than expected, and yet the RBA decided to hit the economy again with another rate rise.

    Yesterday the Reserve Bank shocked markets and most economists by raising the cash rate to 3.85%. But it didn’t just contradict outside observers, it contradicted the views of the RBA board just one month ago when it decided to keep rates steady.

    Policy director Greg Jericho, writes in his Guardian Australia column that in the month since the April RBA meeting data on inflation has suggested faster than anticipated slowing, the economy overall is now expected to slow more quickly, and there is no sign of long-term wages growth rising beyond what would be consistent with 3% inflation.

    And yet despite this, the board decided to raise rates.

    The decision smacks of a board reacting less to economic conditions and more to the recent Review of the RBA which recommended taking the decisions to change rates away from the current board.

    The Reserve Bank suggested a month ago it needed time to pause and review. Nothing in the intervening time has suggested they made a mistake in not continuing to raise rate, and yet the bank seems determined to slow the economy and raise unemployment to 4.5%.

    The bank is so beholden to neo-liberal views of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment that it is determined to keep raising rates until unemployment rises to a level it believes is “full employment”.

    We know the current level of inflation is largely driven by corporate profits and some overhang of supply-side issues and savings from the pandemic/lockdown period. At no point is there any sign that wages are rising in a manner that is fueling inflation and yet the RBA continues to attack inflation like we are experiencing the mining boom of the 2000s which saw wages and jobs grow strongly, rather than the current boom which is seeing profits grow exponentially and real wages plunge .


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  • Latest inflation figures show the RBA was right not to raise rates in April

    Originally published in The Guardian on April 27, 2023

    Inflation is falling steadily but hitting low-income households the most.

    The March quarter consumer price index figures showed a 7.0% annual rise, however as Policy Director, Greg Jericho, notes in his Guardian Australia column, the monthly inflation figures that were also released on Wednesday showed annual growth had fallen to 6.3%.

    This fall was down from a peak of 8.4% in December and is the slowest growth since May last year.

    The figures reinforce the belief that the RBA board was right to ignore the views of many economists both within and outside the Reserve Bank. Not only is inflation falling but the biggest drivers of inflation in the March quarter were in areas with prices mostly determined by governments or in highly regulated sectors such as the gas and electricity markets. There was little sense of prices rising due to excess demand, rather the combination of price setting in the public sector and by commercial companies making use of high world prices for resources and ongoing supply issues in the housing market served to drive nearly two-thirds of the total increase in overall inflation the March quarter.

    Increasing interest rates would have done nothing to lower prices in these areas – indeed in the rental market any further rates rises would likely be just used as reason for increasing rents more.

    The Reserve Bank was right to stop raising rates. Should the slowing of inflation shows signs of ending before reaching the RBA’s target of 3% it can always cut rates then. For now, inflation is falling as hoped and attention must be drawn to those suffering the most from the rising prices – notably low-income households and those paying off a HELP debt that is set to be indexed by 7.1% – well above the current levels of wage growth.


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