Tag: Charlie Joyce

  • New Video: Australia Needs a Pay Rise!

    New Video: Australia Needs a Pay Rise!

    by Jim Stanford

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    Jim Stanford, Director of the Centre for Future Work, was recently featured in a new video produced in collaboration with United Voice and the Flip production company.

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    The video highlights the problems of wage stagnation in Australia’s economy, and the need to “Change the Rules” – including proposals for sector-wide collective bargaining practices, especially important in low-wage sectors such as early child education. The video has great graphics and production values, and is accompanied by a useful infographic. Download short and long versions of the film, and the infographic, through the links below:

    Shorter version (2:45)

    Longer version (4:03)

    Infographic

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    Many thanks to the team at United Voice and Flip for their talented work on this project!


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • The Year Past, and the Year to Come

    The Year Past, and the Year to Come

    by Jim Stanford in Workforce Magazine
    Originally published in Workforce Magazine on December 14, 2018

    Workforce (a labour relations bulletin published by Thomson-Reuters) recently surveyed major IR figures in Australia on what they saw as the big issues in 2018, and what they expect as the major talking points for 2019. Jim Stanford, economist and Centre for Future Work director, was one of those surveyed, and here are his remarks. 

    What was the most important issue or event in industrial relations this year?

    I would choose the union movement’s “Change the Rules” campaign, which really gathered focus and momentum as the year went on. Of course, unions have been dissatisfied with the state of labour laws, and the erosion of labour rights, for years. But this year, together with other community advocates, they have built a very effective and focused advocacy campaign that I think will have a major impact on labour policy in Australia. Examples of its potential include the big rallies held in Melbourne and other cities in October; the important role that the union movement’s independent door-knocking and phone-banking campaign played in the expanded majority won by the Daniel Andrews govt in Victoria; and the generally high profile of news and debates around the issues of wages and workplace fairness in the media and public commentary.

    The current atmosphere is very reminiscent of the “Your Rights at Work” initiative that the ACTU and its affiliates organised in 2006-07 – and that ended up making a significant difference in the 2007 election (when John Howard lost his seat).

    There is a qualitative difference in this incarnation of the union movement’s organising, however: while union activists obviously are hoping to influence the results of the next election, they are self-consciously and explicitly planning on a longer-run effort to shift public opinion regarding core issues of work and fairness.

    Their agenda of proposed reforms would take several years to implement: including lifting the minimum wage to a “living wage” level, modernising labour laws (so Uber drivers and other gig workers would be protected), changing the structure of enterprise bargaining to allow multi-firm and industry-wide bargaining, and more.

    And they are advancing that agenda as an independent campaign, not as an arm of the Labor party. That positions them well to continue to advance the debate after the election … whoever wins.

    By carefully focusing its energies, building a strong “boots on the ground” infrastructure in communities (including crucial marginal electorates), and building strong public support for the core values underpinning the campaign (tapping into continuing Australian faith in fairness), I think this movement will reshape both public opinion about work and wages, as well as Australia’s labour policy framework.

    What are you most/least looking forward to in 2019?

    There will be a Commonwealth election sometime during the first half of 2019 (perhaps sooner rather than later, if the current disarray in Canberra is any indication).

    I look forward to seeing labour issues – and in particular, the stagnation of wages in Australia, and the growing gap between Australia’s egalitarian tradition and the grim economic reality that most workers presently face – feature as one of the top three issues in the campaign. Most workers have had no increase in real wages over the past five years; millions have fallen behind (especially given escalating prices for housing and other essentials). The present govt knows that this festering economic  frustration issue could be very damaging.

    There’s an opportunity in Australia right now to move the needle: imagine a modernised approach to labour policy: including labour standards that adapt to ongoing change in the economy (like gig jobs), a more ambitious crack-down on wage theft and other  illegal practices, and a revitalisation of Australia’s commitment to a ‘fair go.’

    However, I am not looking forward to the rolling out of some pretty tired warnings and threats about how modernising labour laws and addressing inequality will somehow threaten Australia’s economic viability.

    We can expect many dire threats about how the proposals for reform will drag Australia back to the “bad old 1970s” – a time, interestingly, when GDP growth, job-creation, productivity growth, and real wage growth were all significantly superior to the current era.

    This rhetoric ignores the growing consensus among economists that more equality actually strengthens economic performance – by supporting consumer spending and aggregate demand, avoiding the economic, fiscal and social costs of exclusion and inequality, and boosting govt revenues.

    The doomsday prophecies we can expect to hear from the usual suspects should be understood as the last gasps of a vision of trickle-down economic policy that has lost its credibility, in Australia and around the world.


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • Job Opportunity – Research Economist

    Job Opportunity – Research Economist

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    The Centre for Future Work invites applications for an economist to join our research team in labour market research and policy analysis, working from our offices in Sydney or Canberra.

    Deadline for applications is December 21 2017.

    It’s a chance to be part of our growing team, and to make a contribution to strong, progressive policy research on jobs, employment, fairness, and the future of work!

    Please download the full notice below for more details.


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • Job Growth No Guarantee of Wage Growth

    Originally published in The Sydney Morning Herald on November 17, 2017

    Measured by official employment statistics, Australia’s labour market has improved in recent months: full-time employment has grown, and the official unemployment rate has fallen. But dig a little deeper, and the continuing structural weakness of the job market is more apparent. In particular, labour incomes remain unusually stagnant. In this commentary, Centre for Future Work Associate Dr. Anis Chowdhry reflects on the factors explaining slow wage growth — and what’s required to get wages growing.

    Job Growth No Guarantee of Wage Growth

    by Dr. Anis Chowdhury

    ‘Remarkable’ jobs growth raises hopes for wages” was the headline for a recent Sydney Morning Herald opinion piece by Clancy Yeates. He bases this claim on “some brighter news on the labour market to balance the bad: there is something of a jobs boom under way”. Apparently “more jobs have been created in 2017 in net terms than any year since 2005, with 371,000 new net jobs so far this year”. Clancy Yeates also points to “the lowest number of unemployed people per unfilled position since 2012”.

    This optimism is also shared by the Treasury Secretary John Fraser. In his opening statement at the recent Senate budget estimates hearing on 25 October, he said, “We expect that a period of stronger growth and falling unemployment will lift wages in the next few years.” He further noted, “We do expect that as the cyclical constraints that have weighed on the economy recede wages growth will accelerate.”

    The RBA also holds a similar optimistic view. Philip Lowe, the RBA Governor, in his September statement observed, “Employment growth has been stronger over recent months and has increased in all states. The various forward-looking indicators point to solid growth in employment over the period ahead. … stronger conditions in the labour market should see some lift in wages growth over time.” He had the same positive view in his October statement.

    But can we really be so confident that job growth will eventually lead to wage growth? And even if it does, would it be strong enough to catch up and compensate for the losses incurred from such a long period of wage stagnation?

    Unfortunately, the answer to these questions is a resounding ‘NO’. This so-called remarkable jobs growth will not result in an eventual wage growth sufficient to close the wages gap. This has been confirmed by the latest data showing wages rose by less than expected last quarter; even a significant mandated jump in the minimum wage failed to lift the rate of growth of workers’ pay across the economy. The most broad measure of average earnings growth (derived from GDP statistics) has actually turned negative – the weakest since the mid-1960s.

    The reason for this contradiction is very simple – it is rooted in the different nature of new and old jobs. Jobs, whether part-time or full-time, are now more insecure. Just consider some recent news. The NAB has announced 6,000 job cuts by 2020 even when it announced $6.6 billion profit! Earlier Telstraconfirmed 1,400 job cuts.

    Job insecurity is not just a phenomena in the private sector. Governments – State and Commonwealth – have also joined the new trend. For example, the NSW department of Finance Services and Innovation has notified the union representing the cleaners that employment guarantees in place since 1994 “will not be extended in the new contracts from 2018”.

    The optimists seemed to have decided to ignore what Alan Greenspan, the former chairman of the US Federal Reserve, said in his Congressional hearing two decades ago (on 26 February, 1997). Explaining why “the rate of pay increase still was markedly less than historical relationships with labor market conditions would have predicted”, he said: “Atypical restraint on compensation increases … appears to be mainly the consequence of greater worker insecurity.”

    He clearly elevated job insecurity to major status in the Fed’s policy analysis. Workers have been too worried about keeping their jobs to push for higher wages. And this has been sufficient to hold down inflation without the added restraint of higher interest rates.

    But Greenspan also implied that workers’ fear of losing their jobs was not in itself a sufficient explanation for their failure to push for significant wage increases. The sense of job insecurity has to be rising over time; that is, continually getting worse. Because once the level of insecurity leveled off, and workers become accustomed to their new level of uncertainty, their confidence may revive and the upward pressure on wages would resume. That is particularly true when the unemployment rate is low, as it is today (at least officially).

    However, looking at the length of contracts, Jeff Borland, a leading Australian labour economist, finds no evidence of increased job insecurity in Australia. Others have reported similar findings, while others cite different data to indicate a growth in insecurity. A new ABS survey also showed that while there had been an increase in the number of people with more than one job since 2010-11, those doing multiple jobs as a proportion of the workforce had remained almost completely unchanged at 6%.

    Job insecurity is notoriously difficult to measure. It is not the length of contracts or whether a job is full-time or part-time, that matters. It is the constant threat of losing jobs or pay conditions despite tenure due to constant restructuring that the workers fear. It is the news like that from the ice cream manufacturer Street wanting to terminate its enterprise agreement, or announcements like the one from the NSW department of Finance Services and Innovation, which generate the sense of job insecurity.

    It is this sense of job insecurity and fear of not finding a decent job after losing one (as experienced, for example, when Holden and Toyota recently closed down) which Alan Greenspan had in mind when he calibrated Fed’s monetary policy levers. Thus, there has to be continuous restructuring in the guise of addressing falling or stagnant productivity to keep lid on wages, while the real intent is creating fears among the working class.

    When nearly half the Australian families (41%) feel job security is chief among their concerns, this supposedly remarkable jobs growth won’t generate pressure for wage growth as hoped by the optimists. “Insecure, stressed, and underemployed: The daily reality for millions of Australians”, is how David Taylor summarised the labour market in Australia. This is experienced even as profits are growing at their highest rate in two decades.

    Governments – State and Federal – should worry about rising job insecurity, instead of adding fuel to the fire with their own employment restructuring initiatives. The high level of job insecurity doesn’t just have an effect on wage growth and inflation. Recent research has found that it “cuts to the core of identity and social stability – and can push people towards extremism”. We all have a stake in creating more secure jobs, and fairly rewarding those who perform them.


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • Economists Debunk Job-Creation Claims of Penalty Rate Cut

    Economists Debunk Job-Creation Claims of Penalty Rate Cut

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    The Fair Work Commission has ruled that penalty rates for Sunday and public holiday work in the retail and hospitality sectors should be reduced, which would reduce hourly wages on those days by up to $10 per hour. Business lobbyists predict this will spark a hiring surge in stores and restaurants, as employers take advantage of lower wages to extend hours and ramp up operations. The economic logic of this claim is highly suspect, however – especially in light of the fundamental factors which truly limit employment in these sectors (namely, the sluggish growth of personal incomes). 78 Australian economists have signed a public letter debunking these job-creation claims, arguing that the FWC’s decision will lead to more inequality, not more employment.

    A 3-person drafting committee wrote the letter and circulated it among the economics community.  The committee included Stephen Koukoulas (Managing Director of Market Economics), John Quiggin (Dept. of Economics, University of Queensland), and our own Jim Stanford (Economist and Director of the Centre for Future Work). See the full letter, and list of signatories, below.


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • Looking for “Jobs and Growth”: Six Infographics

    Looking for “Jobs and Growth”: Six Infographics

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    We have prepared six shareable infographics based on material in our research paper, “Jobs and Growth… and a Few Hard Numbers,” which compared Australia’s economic performance under the respective postwar Prime Ministers.

    The infographics summarize several of the specific economic variables considered in the full report, dating back to 1950 (and Prime Minister Menzies) in most cases.

    Average Annual Growth, Real Wages
    Average Employment Rate
    Growth in Personal Debt
    Average Annual Growth, Business Investment
    Public Sector Investment
    4 Signs of Turbulence Ahead

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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

    Centre For Future Work to evolve into standalone entity

    The Centre for Future Work was established by the Australia Institute in 2016 to conduct and publish progressive economic research on work, employment, and labour markets. Supported by the Australian Union movement, the centre produced cutting edge research and led the national conversation on economic issues facing working people: including the future of jobs, wages

  • Jobs and Growth… and a Few Hard Numbers

    Jobs and Growth… and a Few Hard Numbers

    by Jim Stanford

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    Voters typically rank economic issues among their top concerns. And campaigning politicians regularly make bold (but vague) pronouncements regarding their competence and credibility as “economic managers.”  In popular discourse, economic “competence” is commonly equated with being “business-friendly.”

    However, the economy consists of more than just private businesses – and certainly more than the large businesses which attract the main attention from politicians and reporters.  Other stakeholders are at least as crucial for powering real economic progress: including workers, households, governments at all levels, small businesses, public and non-profit institutions, NGOs and the voluntary sector, and more.  So being “business-friendly” is no guarantee that the real economy (measured by employment, output, and incomes) will automatically improve.  Having a more complete understanding of all of the different ingredients required for economic progress is necessary, in order to properly analyze the likely impact of specific measures.

    To demonstrate the lack of correlation between a government’s stated economic orientation, and the actual performance of the real economy, this briefing paper compiles historical data on twelve standard indicators of economic performance: including employment, unemployment, real output, investment (of various forms), foreign trade, incomes, and debt burdens.  Consistent annual data is gathered going back to the 1950s, allowing for a statistical comparison of Australia’s economic record under the various post-war Prime Ministers.  We compare Australia’s economic performance under each Prime Minister, on the basis of these twelve selected indicators.

    There is no obvious correlation between these respective swings in Australia’s economic history, and the policy orientation of the government that oversaw them. And the statistical review indicates that the present government, regardless of its business-friendly credentials, has in fact presided over one of the weakest economic periods in Australia’s entire postwar history.


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have