Category: Economics

Research branch

  • Productivity in the Real World

    Productivity in the Real World

    What it is, what it isn’t, and how to make it work better for workers
    by Jim Stanford

    Claims that Australia faces a productivity crisis are overblown. Weak productivity didn’t cause the current problems facing Australian workers (falling real wages, high interest rates, unaffordability of essentials like housing and energy). Nor will higher productivity fix these problems.

    Faith that higher productivity will automatically trickle down, to be shared by all workers, is unfounded. Pro-active measures to lift wages and living standards are needed if stronger productivity growth is to support stronger living standards.

    This report presents empirical evidence showing that productivity growth in recent decades has not been equally reflected in higher real wages and better living standards.

    • Productivity grew four times faster since 2000 than average wages adjusted for consumer prices; it grew almost twice as fast as average wages adjusted for producer prices.
    • If workers had received wage increases since 2000 that matched productivity growth, wages would be as much as 18% higher than they are at present – worth $350 per week, or $18,000 per year.
    • Over time, the failure of wages to keep up with productivity has created a “productivity debt” effectively owed to workers, worth hundreds of thousands of dollars per worker.

    The fruits of productivity growth have been disproportionately captured in the form of business profits, dividend payouts, and executive compensation. It is only through deliberate measures to ensure productivity growth is reflected in improved compensation and conditions for workers that Australian workers can have any confidence their contributions to improved productivity will pay off in better lives. Repairing the link between productivity and mass prosperity, by strengthening the institutions of distribution and pushing wealth downward (rather than hoping it will trickle down automatically), is as important to Australia’s future productivity as any labour-saving technological breakthrough.

    The report concludes with a broad agenda of high-level policy themes that should be pursued to challenge and support Australian workplaces to become more productive – and to ensure the resulting gains are broadly shared.



    Productivity in the Real World




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    Australia does not have a “productivity crisis” – new research

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  • Australia’s Gas Use On The Slide

    Australia’s Gas Use On The Slide

    by Ketan Joshi

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    The Federal Government has released a new report that includes projections of how much gas Australia is set to use over the coming decades. There is no ambiguity in its message: Australia reached peak gas years ago, and it’s all downhill from here:

    “Gas consumption is projected to decline to 2040 as electrification increases across the economy and renewables and storage take an increasing share of electricity generation”, wrote the Department of Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water (DCCEEW).

    This doesn’t sit well with the Prime Minister’s recent claims that more gas is needed for “firming” renewable energy. Figures from the Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO)’s 2024 Integrated System Plan (ISP) show just how little gas is likely to be required in Australia’s electricity system.

    In AEMO’s ‘step change’ scenario, there isn’t a single year where gas generates more than its historical peak in the National Electricity Market. In this scenario, more gas was burned in the past 16 years than is burned over the next 25 years.

    In short: while gas might serve occasional use during low wind and sun periods, Australia simply will not end up using large amounts of it.

    It is weird, then, that Australia has a massive pipeline of planned fossil gas extraction projects. Many of them are justified on the grounds that they’re required to help Australia decarbonise its power grids, with more than 1,000 new petajoules coming online by 2027, according to the latest government projects report.

    The chart below compares the above projections of Australia’s domestic gas use to projections of the volume of gas exports, prepared by the separate Department of Resources and Energy (DISER). It makes it pretty clear where all the new gas is going – exports.

    Only looking at new gas production capacity, and only looking at the proportion that has a clear operation date, that is still around 11 times the amount of gas projected to be used in the power sector. In fact, the use of LNG for FY23 was greater just for processing LNG than the entire power sector in Australia:

    This analysis by climate expert Tim Baxter lays it out in even more detail.

    “Again, more than 3,000 petajoules of gas were exported from Western Australia in 2022–23. If the entire transition to clean energy were to stand dead still as if renewables weren’t already going gang-busters — in Western Australia renewable energy generation has increased by an average of 20% each year for the past five years — we would need just 2.5% of that gas to keep the lights on for the state”.

    It is pretty simple: Australia does not need to be expanding its fossil gas production, least of all to run fossil gas power stations. It’s a hollow fossil fuel industry talking point, and the Federal Government should know better than to repeat it.


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    Centre For Future Work to evolve into standalone entity

    The Centre for Future Work was established by the Australia Institute in 2016 to conduct and publish progressive economic research on work, employment, and labour markets. Supported by the Australian Union movement, the centre produced cutting edge research and led the national conversation on economic issues facing working people: including the future of jobs, wages

  • Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized.

    The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have brought criticism from federal and state governments, the CSIRO, the Climate Council, the Electrical Trade Union (ETU), the Climate Change Authority, the Australia Institute, and independent energy experts.

    The CSIRO, among others, has refuted the Coalition’s claim that nuclear will be cheaper than renewables; instead, they have shown the energy produced by Australian reactors would cost approximately eight times more than the same amount of energy produced by renewables. If this cost is passed on to consumers, the average household would pay $590 per year more on their power bill. Unsurprisingly, Australia Institute polling has found that fewer than one in twenty Australians (4%) are prepared to pay this nuclear premium.

    The cost alone should be enough to bury this nuclear proposal. But it is also important to recognise how the Coalition’s plan will impact – and fail – workers.

    False promises

    The Coalition has proposed that large nuclear reactors would be built on the sites of five operational or recently decommissioned coal fired power stations: Liddell and Mount Piper in New South Wales, Tarong and Callide in Queensland, and Loy Yang in Victoria. In doing so, the Coalition has promised that nuclear energy would be a source of stable and plentiful work for the communities where coal-fired power plants are phasing down.

    This is a false promise. Six coal fired power stations have already closed in the past decade, with 90% of Australia’s remaining coal-fired power stations set to close in the next decade. These communities are already undergoing structural adjustment, and they need new sources of employment now. But this is not what the Coalition’s plan delivers. The Coalition outlines that the first two nuclear reactors would not come online until the mid-2030s – more than a decade from now – while the remainder would be completed by 2050.

    And energy and technology experts agree that even this timeline is impossible. On average, a nuclear reactor takes 9.4 years just to build in countries with established and capable nuclear industries. Former Australian Chief Scientist Alan Finkel has estimated that it would take until the mid-2040s at the earliest for Australia to build an operational nuclear reactor. Moreover, analysis from the Institute for Energy, Economic & Financial Analysis (IEEFA) has found that, in economies comparable to Australia’s, every single nuclear reactor project experienced multi-year delays and cost blowouts of up to three and a half times over budget. It is hard to see how Australia, which lacks the experienced workforce, training and research base, or regulatory framework, would buck this trend.

    Lost jobs

    While the Coalition’s nuclear plan would not bring jobs to the communities that need them, it might have the real effect of depressing investment in renewables.

    Renewable energy already generates approximately 40% of Australia’s energy and is by far the cheapest form of electricity. Renewable energy industries already account for the employment of tens of thousands of workers, and Jobs and Skills Australia estimates that approximately 240,000 new workers will be required in industries associated with clean energy by 2030.

    But this requires ongoing and expanding investment in renewables, which the Coalition’s nuclear policy is likely to derail. The Clean Energy Council has estimated that by capping renewable energy to 54% of total use (as the Coalition’s modelling has assumed), 29GW of renewable energy generation projects would not be built – squandering an expected 37,700 full-time-equivalent construction jobs and 5,000 ongoing jobs in operations and maintenance. By limiting renewables investment, prolonging fossil fuel usage, and diverting investment towards nuclear energy, the full employment opportunities of the renewable energy transition are lost.

    Scarce and dangerous work

    If the Coalition’s nuclear plan does come to fruition it will hardly create any ongoing jobs for the communities that have undergone structural readjustment. According to analysis from the Nuclear Energy Agency, while the peak period of construction of the average 1GW nuclear power plant can demand up to 3,500 workers, ongoing operations and maintenance will only require about 400 workers – with only a quarter of these being onsite blue-collar jobs that might provide work for the people who will have lost jobs with the closure of coal-fired power stations. Most jobs will be in administration, regulatory compliance, energy, marketing, sales, science and emergency personnel – and many of them are likely to be located away from the nuclear facility itself.

    Disturbingly, any jobs on-site may put the health of workers at risk. Recent analysis of multiple studies of the health impacts of nuclear power plant employment across multiple countries found that workers have a significantly higher risk of mesothelioma and circulatory disease due to exposure to radiation. Nearby residents also exhibit a significantly higher risks of cancer, with children under the age of five at particular risk. And this does not even factor in the risk of sudden plant failure and reactor meltdown on workers and communities – a risk sharpened by the Coalition’s plan for these reactors to be built on geological fault lines with heightened earthquake risk.

    Australian workers have much to gain from the renewable energy transition, including cheaper power, new clean technology industries, and hundreds of thousands of new jobs. The Coalition’s nuclear plan only brings false promises, lost jobs, and – if the plan comes to fruition – few jobs and potentially dangerous work.


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  • The curious incident of low wages growth

    The curious incident of low wages growth

    Wages and Policy in the 21st Century Report No. 1
    by David Peetz

    A new Carmichael Centre report by David Peetz considers why wages growth has been so low, despite a tight labour market and a brief surge in inflation.

    Asking why has there been no wages explosion, Peetz finds the answer lies in loss of power.

    The report documents how workers have lost power in the past two decades, with almost every change in the economy taking away workers’ bargaining power.

    From 2014 to 2022 most government policies took away workers’ bargaining power. The most recent industrial relations reforms in 2022-2024 shifted the pendulum back some way towards workers. These laws increased workers power and have also boosted wages growth.

    The analysis shows that all workers have had their wages damaged by lack of power. And all workers have been able to recover some ground since the recent industrial relations laws have come into effect.

    • Australian workers can no longer obtain the wage increases that they previously could from wage negotiations. Workers do not contribute to inflation.
    • Changes in power have combined to normalise low wages growth, for both union and non-union workers, even in tight labour markets. Of 16 developments in the labour market and economy over the past 50 years, 14 signalled deterioration in worker power, one an improvement in power for female workers only, and one an improvement only from 2010 until 2023 (lower unemployment).
    • The one countervailing force in recent times has been public policy which, since 2022, has led to some increases in workers’ power. Analysis of 34 policy events showed that the majority of those before 2022 further reduced workers’ bargaining power, while almost all of those since then have increased workers’ power.
    • In March 2014 wages were 53.0% of national income, but by December 2022 they had fallen to just 50.3%, before recovering to 53.5% by September 2024.
    • Wages grew at a little over 2% per year through most of the period from 2013-14.  After September 2022, they grew more quickly, to over 4% per annum throughout 2023-24.
    • The wage gains associated with increased worker power are not just restricted to unionists, but they are likely greater for unionists than non-unionists.



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  • Working from Home, Not a Problem

    More than one in three workers in Australia usually work from home at least some of the week. Working from home has become an established working arrangement for many employees in jobs where it is possible to work remotely. Yet, there is strong opposition from some employers to working from home and regular reports of pressure from organisations to wind back this work arrangement.

    During the lead up to the 2025 federal election we have heard a lot about working from home arrangements as the Coalition adopted a policy for all Commonwealth public servants to work from the office five days a week. The policy has been abandoned but it is not clear that the Coalition have changed their views on this flexible work option, having said it created inefficiencies, has harmed productivity and is much more common in the public than in the private sector. But is there any evidence supporting these views?

    In this briefing paper we review the evidence on working from home, addressing the questions: Who works from home and why? Who benefits from working from home arrangements? Why do some employers (and politicians) want workers back in the office? What is the future for work from home arrangements?

    We find working from home is a flexible work option that has benefits for workers and for organisations, and it contributes to more inclusive and gender-equal workforce participation and a more productive economy. Working from home arrangements may require some workplace adaptation including requiring managers to work differently. However these challenges should not get in the way of the many benefits that working from home and other flexible work arrangements offer.



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  • The continuing irrelevance of minimum wages to future inflation

    The continuing irrelevance of minimum wages to future inflation

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    Minimum and award wages should grow by 5 to 9 per cent this year

    Updated analysis by the Centre for Future Work at The Australia Institute reveals that a fair and appropriate increase to the minimum wage, and accompanying increases to award rates, would not have a significant effect on inflation.

    The analysis examines the correlation between minimum wage increases and inflation going back to 1990, and finds no consistent link between minimum wage increases and inflation.

    It also reveals that such an increase to award wages could be met with only a small reduction in profit margins.

    The report, authored by Greg Jericho, based on previous work by both he and Jim Stanford, finds that an increase to the National Minimum Wage and award wages of between 5.8% and 9.2% in the Fair Work Commissions’ Annual Wage Review, due in June, is required to restore the real buying power of low-paid workers to pre-pandemic trends.

    The report also finds that this would not significantly affect headline inflation.

    Key findings of the report include:

    • Last year’s decision, which lifted the minimum wage and award wages by 3.75 per cent, offset the inflation of the previous year but still left those on Modern Awards with real earnings below what they were in 2020.
    • By June this year, the real value of Modern Award wages will be almost 4 per cent below what they were in September 2020.
    • Despite increases in the minimum wage over the past 2 years above inflation, inflation fell by a combined 4.5 percentage points.
    • There has been no significant correlation between rises in the minimum wage and inflation since 1990.
    • Raising wages by 5.8 to 9.2 percent this year would offset recent inflation and restore real wages for award-covered workers to the pre-pandemic trend.
    • Even if fully passed on by employers, higher award wages would have no significant impact on economy-wide prices.
    • A 9.2 per cent increase in award wages could be fully offset, with no impact on prices at all, by a 1.8 per cent reduction in corporate profits – still leaving profits far above historical levels.

    “Australia’s lowest paid workers have been hardest hit by inflation over the past 3 years,” said Greg Jericho, Chief Economist at The Australia Institute’s Center for Future Work.

    “The price rises of necessities always hurt those on low incomes harder than those on average and high incomes.

    “This analysis shows there is no credible economic reason to deny them a decent pay raise above inflation.

    “It’s vital the Fair Work Commission ensure that the minimum wage not only keeps up with inflation but also returns the value to the real trend of before the pandemic.”


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  • The Continuing Irrelevance of Minimum Wages to Future Inflation

    The Continuing Irrelevance of Minimum Wages to Future Inflation

    Minimum and award wages should grow by 5 to 9 per cent this year
    by Greg Jericho

    Updated analysis by the by the Centre for Future Work at the Australia Institute reveals that a fair and appropriate increase to the minimum wage, and accompanying increases to award rates, would not have a significant effect on inflation. The analysis examines the correlation between minimum wage increases and inflation going back to 1990, and finds no consistent link between minimum wage increases and inflation. It also reveals that such an increase to award wages could be met with only a small reduction in profit margins.

    The report, authored by Greg Jericho, based on previous work by both he and Jim Stanford finds that an increase to the National Minimum Wage and award wages of between 5.8% and 9.2% in the Fair Work Commission’s Annual Wage Review, due in June, is required to restore the real buying power of low-paid workers to pre-pandemic trends. The report also finds that this would not significantly affect headline inflation.

    Key findings of the report include:

    • Last year’s decision, which lifted the minimum wage and award wages by 3.75 per cent, offset the inflation of the previous year but still left those on Modern Awards with real earnings below what they were in 2020.
    • By June this year, the real value of Modern Award wages will be almost 4 per cent below what they were in September 2020
    • Despite increases in the minimum wage over the past 2 years above inflation, inflation fell by a combined 4.5 percentage points.
    • There has been no significant correlation between rises in the minimum wage and inflation since 1990.
    • Raising wages by 5.8 to 9.2 per cent this year would offset both recent inflation and restore real wages for award-covered workers to the pre-pandemic trend.
    • Even if fully passed on by employers, higher award wages would have no significant impact on economy-wide prices.
    • A 9.2 per cent increase in award wages could be fully offset, with no impact on prices at all, by a 1.8 per cent reduction in corporate profits – still leaving profits far above historical levels

    “Australia’s lowest paid workers have been hardest hit by inflation over the past 3 years. The price rises of necessities always hurt those on low incomes harder than those on average and high incomes. This analysis shows there is no credible economic reason to deny them a decent pay raise above inflation.” Jericho said.

    “It’s vital the Fair Work Commission ensure that the minimum wage not only keeps up with inflation but also returns the value to the real trend of before the pandemic.”



    The Continuing Irrelevance of Minimum Wages to Future Inflation




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    The continuing irrelevance of minimum wages to future inflation

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  • Commonwealth Budget 2025-2026: Our analysis

    Commonwealth Budget 2025-2026: Our analysis

    by Fiona Macdonald

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    The Centre for Future Work’s research team has analysed the Commonwealth Government’s budget, focusing on key areas for workers, working lives, and labour markets.

    As expected with a Federal election looming, the budget is not a horror one of austerity. However, the 2025-2026 budget is characterised by the absence of any significant initiatives.
    There is very little in this budget that is new, other than some surprise tax cuts, which are welcome given they mostly benefit people on low incomes

    There are continuing investments in some key areas supporting wages growth where it is solely needed and for rebuilding important areas of public good. However, there remains much that needs to be done in the next parliament, whoever is in government.

    “The budget does deliver a welcome tax cut targeted towards those on low incomes” Chief Economist Greg Jericho notes, “but the lack of new spending and initiatives highlights the need for policies from all political parties in the coming election campaign that address inequality and the needs of people who have been most hurt by cost of living rises over the past three years.”

    Read our full budget briefing paper for more information


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    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs

    by Charlie Joyce

    Dutton’s nuclear push will cost renewable jobs As Australia’s federal election campaign has finally begun, opposition leader Peter Dutton’s proposal to spend hundreds of billions in public money to build seven nuclear power plants across the country has been carefully scrutinized. The technological unfeasibility, staggering cost, and scant detail of the Coalition’s nuclear proposal have

  • Budget briefing paper 2025-2026

    The Centre for Future Work’s research team has analysed the Commonwealth Government’s budget.

    As expected with a Federal election looming, the budget is not a horror one of austerity. However, the 2025-2026 budget is characterised by the absence of any significant initiatives.  There is very little in this budget that is new other than the surprise tax cuts, which are welcome given they benefit mostly those on low-incomes. There are continuing investments in some key areas supporting wages growth, where it is sorely needed, and rebuilding important areas of public good. However, there remains much that needs to be done in the next parliament.

    This briefing paper reviews some of the main features of the budget, focusing on those aspects targeting and impacting on workers, working lives and labour markets.

    The establishment of a $1 billion Green Iron Investment Fund to provide capital grants to green iron projects is a significant investment. With $500 million of this fund going to the troubled Whyalla steelworks this investment should ensure ongoing integrity in the management of this vital industrial asset. We believe the government should take a significant ongoing stake in the ownership of the Whyalla steelworks. The $2 billion Green Aluminium Production Credit, to incentivise Australian aluminium smelters to switch to renewable electricity before 2036, is a necessary and welcome policy to assist the transition to a low emissions economy. Unfortunately, the credit is not available until 2028-2029.

    New and ongoing support for students in TAFE and in higher education are important cost-of-living measures while also making education and training more inclusive and accessible. There is some new funding for previously announced initiatives that support workers and wages growth and some funding for new wage increases in the female-dominated, and low-paid, aged care and early childhood education and care sectors; demonstrating the government’s commitment to addressing long-standing undervaluation of feminised care occupations. Continuing government support will be needed as the current Fair Work Commission review of awards to address undervaluation progresses.

    Other reforms in ECEC, along with previously announced changes to paid parental leave and carer payments, provide welcome, but belated, support for working parents and carers. It is disappointing to see that the opportunity has been missed to raise Job Seeker and Youth Allowances from their grossly inadequate levels.



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  • Briefing Paper: Restoring public sector capability through investment in public service employees

    The Australian Public Service (APS) is responsible for delivering some of the most crucial social services to all Australians. The APS workforce includes employees who deliver frontline services like in Medicare and Centrelink, those who administer the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), and those who assist service personnel and veterans via Veterans Affairs. These are just some of the functions that APS employees undertake. Behind front line service delivery staff are employees who support these staff, work to coordinate and integrate services and provide policy and regulatory advice to government.

    This briefing paper examines the make-up of the APS and considers recent efforts to improve APS service delivery. We conclude that recent investment in the employment of more APS employees has improved service delivery and that any reduction in APS employees will reduce service delivery or result in the engagement of more consultants and contractors.

    In this paper we debunk several of the myths promoted in the political debate around the size of Australia’s public service. One such myth is that Australia’s public service is “bloated” or “inefficient”. The research also found that despite claims to the contrary, most of the public service jobs created since 2022 were not based in Canberra.



    Restoring public sector capability through investment in public service employees

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